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J Alcohol Drug Educ. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2009 February 2.
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Published in final edited form as:
J Alcohol Drug Educ. 2008 ; 52(3): 46–71.
A Night in Tijuana: Female Victimization in a High-Risk
Environment
Tara Kelley-Baker, Elizabeth A. Mumford, Radha Vishnuvajjala, Robert B. Voas, Eduardo
Romano, and Mark Johnson
Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation
Abstract
We examine the epidemiology of victimization among females crossing the U.S. border to drink in
Tijuana, Mexico, with the purpose of creating a framework for an intervention to improve safety
among female youth in drinking settings. Drinking history, history of victimization, evening drinking
experience, and environmental factors are assessed.
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Among female crossers surveyed in 2005-2006, 53% reported experiencing some type of
victimization, with 29% experiencing moderate physical aggression and 38% experiencing unwanted
moderate sexual incidents. Youth and reported history of verbal abuse were consistently associated
with victimization with more participants frequently reporting incidents of victimization. Predictors
of victimization among young females (aged 16-20) generally included environmental factors,
whereas evening drinking was associated with victimization among women aged 21 and older.
Introduction
Tijuana, Mexico, with a lower drinking age requirement and within easy access of Southern
California youth, has long provided an easily attained party environment for young Americans.
Efforts have increased in recent years to limit the flow of young border crossers in response to
public health goals and local economic pressures (Romano et al., 2004). The consumption of
alcohol by those who do cross has remained relatively consistent, however, and the bar
environment of drink specials and risky and illicit behaviors is consistent with the high-risk
profiles documented for unwanted negative experiences—specifically female victimization.
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According to the National Crime Victimization Survey (NVCS), in 2005, there were 191,670
victims of rape, attempted rape, or sexual assault (Catalano, 2006), or one rape every 2½
minutes. Further, only 38%, or 1 in 3, of these rapes and sexual assaults were reported to law
enforcement officials (Catalano, 2006).
Women are the primary victims of rape and sexual assault. Statistics indicate that one in six
American women has been the victim of an attempted or completed rape in their lifetime
(Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998, 2006). The higher prevalence among younger cohorts (1 in 5
women younger than age 50 report having been raped) may reflect willingness to report
incidents, actual changes in prevalence, or both (Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998, 2006). Sexual
assault, including rape, most often occurs among women in late adolescence and early
adulthood (Abbey, Zawacki, Buck, Clinton, & McAuslan, 2001). Twenty-two percent of
female rape victims reported that their first incidence occurred when they were younger than
The corresponding author is Dr. Tara Kelley-Baker, Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation, 11720 Beltsville Drive, Suite 900,
Calverton, MD 20705-3111, telephone: 301-755-2775, fax: 301-755-2799, e-mail: [email protected].
Kelley-Baker et al.
Page 2
12 years, 32% were between ages 12 and 17, and another 29% were between ages 18 and 24
(Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998, 2006).
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Among college students surveyed in 1997, 1999, and 2001 (the College Alcohol Study), as
many as 1 in 20 female students (4.7%) reported a completed rape within the current school
year (Mohler-Kuo, Dowdall, Koss, & Wechsler, 2004). A similar rate of completed rape was
found at a private university (6%), with an additional 4% of respondents reporting attempted
rape (Nasta et al., 2005).
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These assaults often involve alcohol use by the offender, the victim, or both (Abbey, 2002;
Brecklin & Ullman, 2002; Horvath & Brown, 2006; Kilpatrick, Acierno, Resnik, Saunders, &
Best, 1997; Testa, Livingston, Vanzile-Tamsen, & Frone, 2003; Ullman & Brecklin, 2000;
Wilsnack, 1991). Women who abuse alcohol are particularly vulnerable to violent
victimization and male aggression (Cunradi, Caetano, Clark, & Schafer, 1999; Gilbert &
Collins, 1997; Kyriacou et al., 1999; Miller, 1998; Miller, Downs, & Testa, 1993; Miller,
Wilsnack, & Cunradi, 2000; Teets, 1997; Testa, Vanzile-Tamsen, Testa, & Livingston,
2006). From May 1996 through March 1999, analysis of urine samples of rape victims
presenting at rape crisis centers indicated presence of alcohol or other drugs (AOD) in close
to two-thirds of the samples (Slaughter, 2000), whereas a national study of suspected AOD use
in assault cases found approximately 40% positive through victim urine samples (ElSohly &
Salamone, 1999). On college campuses participating in the College Alcohol Study, 72% of
female rape victims reported that they were too intoxicated to consent (Mohler-Kuo et al.,
2004).
The Relationship Between Alcohol and Victimization
Alcohol has been linked with violence and aggression at levels far beyond those associated
with any other drug (Alden, 1995). The abuse of alcohol leaves women particularly vulnerable
to unwanted male aggression and victimization (Kilpatrick et al., 1997; Wilsnack, 1991). There
are several explanations as to why this connection may exist, including with environmental
risk factors and characteristics of the victim and relative vulnerability associated with alcohol
use. Environments where alcohol and young people congregate can pose risky settings
(Leonard, Quigley, & Collins, 2003; Quigley. Leonard, & Collins, 2003). In part, this may be
due to providing an atmosphere where the usual social constraints are not in operation. Social
theory holds that individuals released from everyday constraints may exhibit more extreme
behaviors from alcohol consumption to aggression (Listiak, 1974; MacAndrew & Edgerton,
1969). Known as the “time-out theory,” individuals are expected to behave with less restraint
in “time-out” situations (Lange & Voas, 2000a; Lange, Voas, & Johnson, 2002b; Voas et al.,
2006).
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Researchers have found the personal and social characteristics of assaulted women include
heavier drinking, going to and from bars with less well-known individuals, and frequent
socializing in bars (Buddie & Parks, 2003). An association between heavy drinking and
perceived sexuality by women may also contribute to the risks (Young. Morales, McCabe,
boyd, & Darcy, 2005). The price of alcohol and the perceived ease of getting drunk in a bar
can be enticing to youth (Lange & Voas, 2000; Lange, Voas, & Johnson, 2002b). Bars can
present the environmental characteristics that pose a uniquely risky environment for violence,
sometimes beyond the effect of personalities and alcohol use (Leonard et al., 2003; Quigley et
al., 2003). Thus, in bar contexts, individual traits interact with alcohol use to produce a risky
three-way intersection.
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Borders as Risky Environments for High-Risk Individuals
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The already elevated risk of socializing in bar settings is magnified by crossing the U.S.Mexican border to an environment that is one step further removed from the daily life of
American youth. On a typical weekend night, more than 6,500 American youth (Lange & Voas,
2000) cross the U.S.-Mexican border between San Diego and Tijuana. More than a third of
those who are on foot at the border will be inebriated upon return to the United States (Lange
& Voas, 2000). The legal drinking age in Tijuana is 18, in contrast to the minimum age of 21
in California. Tijuana is an environment that serves as a “time-out” from weekday
responsibilities, and it is a place where social, heavy legal drinking is encouraged by drink
specials (especially for women), minimal supervision, and tolerance of drunken behavior.
Youth interviewed about their experience in Tijuana cite the availability of cheap alcohol and
the relaxed environment supportive of heavy drinking as motivating factors for visiting Tijuana
(Lange & Voas, 2000; Lange et al., 2002b). With normal social limits relaxed in an environment
of copious alcohol availability, Tijuana serves as a nexus, putting women at exceptional risk
for victimization.
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Building upon previous research conducted at the U.S.-Mexican border in California (Lange,
Lauer, & Voas, 1999; Lange & Voas, 2000), this paper updates the epidemiology of youth
crossing the border on weekend nights to patronize the Tijuana nightclubs. Specifically, we
focus on young women crossers and their experiences of victimization. Prior research at the
border was limited to anecdotal information on negative experiences; yet these data suggest
female victimization is prevalent among border crossers. Our aim was to verify these reports
and estimate the prevalence of victimization experienced by young women crossers, providing
an initial characterization of such experiences. Ultimately, these data will be used to guide the
development of an intervention aimed at reducing the incidence of victimization experienced
by female youth and young adults.
Methods
Administration
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The Border Girls data were collected from July 2005 to December 2006 on randomly selected
Friday and Saturday nights. Survey staff approached naturally occurring groups of two to eight
pedestrians, with at least one female younger than 23, entering Mexico between 9 p.m. and 1
a.m. Procedures for approaching potential participants were adapted from those used for many
years during roadside breath-test surveys of motorists (Voas, Wells, Lestina, Williams, &
Greene, 1998) and ongoing portal surveys conducted at the U.S./Mexican border and other
drinking venues (Lange, Reed, Johnson, & Voas, 2006; Voas et al., 2006). Although our interest
is particularly in young women, we recruited all group members in the southbound (entering
Mexico) survey and the northbound (reentering the United States) return interview survey.
This was essential not only to provide data about group characteristics, but also to reduce group
pressure on the young women to refuse participation in the survey.
Participants recruited southbound were asked to complete a self-report questionnaire and to
provide a breath test. They were then offered a $20 incentive to contact the survey team on
their return from Mexico early the next morning. Those who agreed were identified with coded
wristbands. When participants reentered the United States, they completed a 5-minute
interview on their evening drinking behavior. As part of this interview, participants were also
asked to complete a brief “experiences” survey and to provide an anonymous alcohol breath
test so we could assess their evening experiences while in the Mexican bars. Questionnaires
on evening social (victimization) experiences were administered on paper to provide privacy
about these sensitive topics. As payment for participation, a $20 money order was then issued.
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(A money order was used, rather than cash, to prevent funding additional drinking on the survey
night.)
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Measures/Instruments
Various measures were used at the three points in time. Measures were first taken in a
southbound survey, as participants entered Mexico, and then second in a northbound return
interview and experiences survey as participants returned from Mexico to reenter the United
States. Third, a telephone followup interview was conducted within one week of the border
survey; this measure is described elsewhere (Kelley-Baker, Voas, Johnson, Furr-Holden, &
Compton, 2007) and was not used in our analyses herein.
Southbound Survey—The southbound survey (originally used by Lange et al., 2006)
comprised demographic items (age, sex, ethnicity, and residency) and questions concerning
the individual's previous visits to Mexico, drinking intentions and expectancies, and drinking
history, based on the models developed by Gruenewald and Nephew (1994). A social network
grid was also included to create a description of the groups in which individuals were traveling.
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Victimization items: Added to the original (Lange et al. 2006) border survey were items
related to past victimization experiences and expectations of victimization for the coming
evening in Mexico. Participants were also asked to indicate their perceptions of the group's
intentions to drink and/or use drugs while in Mexico and their social plans for the night (i.e.,
whether they intended to return to the United States with the same group members).
Northbound Return Interview and Experience Surveys—Participants interviewed as
they returned northbound between 1 a.m. and 6 a.m. completed both a PDA (handheld personal
digital assistant) interview and a pencil-and-paper “social experiences” survey. The
northbound PDA interview included items on the perceptions of the Tijuana environment,
including activities associated with binge drinking, such as the percentage of people who
appeared to be drunk, using drugs, or playing drinking games (modeled from Clapp, Whitney,
and Shillington [2002], and Lange and Voas [2000]). Participants were also asked about their
awareness of security measures and whether fights or other overt disturbances occurred. The
interview also included items regarding group risks—whether a member left the group at any
point (and if so, for how long), actions that may have put group members at risk, and whether
the group returned intact. Additionally, the northbound return interview collected information
on the number and types of drinks consumed during the evening and the number of bars visited.
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Evening/night victimization items: As part of the northbound interview procedure, female
participants were asked to complete a nine-item paper-and-pencil social experiences survey
assessing their night's experiences of victimization. This survey includes items from the revised
Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS) (Miller et al., 1993; Straus, 1979) and the Safe Dates Project
(Foshee et al., 1996) survey, covering a range from verbal insults to physical assaults and sexual
victimization. The queried nine items were then categorized into five classes of victimization:
(1) verbal, which included insults and threats; (2) moderate physical, being pushed or grabbed;
(3) moderate sexual, being touched or grabbed in an unwanted sexual way; (4) severe physical,
being punched or hit; and (5) severe sexual, including unwanted or coerced intercourse. To
further investigate moderate classes of victimization, we also assessed the level of threat the
act evoked, physical pain, and personal reaction (how disturbed the participant was by the act).
In addition to questions about victimization experiences, participants were asked about their
relation to the assailant (in the group, outside the group, someone met tonight, or a complete
stranger) and the assailant's gender.
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Alcohol measures: Blood alcohol concentration (BAC) measures were taken during the
southbound survey and the northbound return interview with a handheld SD400 Intoxilyzer
manufactured by MPI/CMI. The participant was asked to inhale and then exhale for 3 to 5
seconds into the unit via a disposable, single-use mouthpiece. To ensure anonymity and
confidentiality, the instrument's display was programmed not to show the BAC, which was
stored internally for later download. Participants were also queried regarding the number of
drinks they had consumed during the evening and their perceived state of inebriation.
Sample
Because of the multiple survey points, sample sizes vary for different measures (see Table 1).
Over 15 weekends of data collection (30 nights – one weekend per month), 2,047 individuals
participated in the southbound survey. Of these southbound participants, 1,608 (78%) returned
to complete both the northbound social experiences and the PDA interviews. The overall return
rate was slightly higher (84%) because some individuals completed one but not both
northbound instruments. Because the recruitment strategy required that any group approached
to participate must include at least one female younger than age 23, the resulting majority of
participants were female (73%). Southbound, 1,502 females participated, and of that number,
1,172 females completed all three (the southbound and both northbound) interviews. Female
respondents who completed the southbound survey, the northbound PDA survey, and the
northbound social experiences survey comprise the sample population discussed in this paper.
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Analyses
The data were analyzed using STATA 9.0. Because victimization outcomes are not mutually
exclusive groups (e.g., an individual may report both verbal and moderate sexual
victimization), each outcome (including the aggregate “any victimization”) was compared to
the group of respondents who reported no victimization at all. Bivariate statistics (χ2 test for
significant differences) were used to describe these groups of respondents in comparison to
the control group on multiple personal characteristics. Multivariate logistic models assess the
odds ratios of distinct victimization outcomes (or the aggregate “any victimization”) for the
groups reporting no victimization. Covariates were examined individually and in a stepwise
regression that looked at personal characteristics, personal history, drinking profile, and the
observed bar environment. Preliminary analyses indicated an age effect, consistent with
theoretical expectations. Because the number of interactions was too cumbersome to test, the
final multivariate models were stratified by age. All models were adjusted for the
nonindependence of respondents, who were recruited in naturally occurring peer groups as
they traveled southbound from California to Tijuana.
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Findings
More than half the sample (53%) of women who answered the southbound and northbound
surveys reported experiencing some form of verbal, physical, or sexual victimization (see Table
2). The most common form of victimization reported was moderate sexual aggression (38%).
More than a quarter of female respondents (29%) reported incidents of moderate physical
aggression. Notably, 66 females (5.6%) reported incidents of severe victimization that
warranted further examination and care. Given the sample size, however, the incidences of
severe physical aggression (4.1%) and severe sexual aggression (1.5%) were small enough to
limit further analysis for this study.
As shown in Table 3, numerous characteristics of female respondents' personal histories and
the Tijuana environment were related to the victimization outcomes in bivariate analyses.
Notably, respondents aged 16 to 20 were more likely to report moderate physical and sexual
incidents than women aged 21 and older. Thirty-one percent of the younger respondents
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reported unwanted moderate physical incidents compared to 24% of the older respondents;
likewise, the rate of unwanted moderate sexual incidents was higher for younger respondents
than for respondents aged 21 or older (40% vs. 29%, data not shown). Although the objective
measure of BAC was not associated with victimization reports in bivariate analyses, subjective
reports of the amount the respondent had drunk and how inebriated she felt were related to the
outcomes of interest.
Multivariate logistic analyses of each outcome of interest estimated the probability of the
victimization outcome for reports of no victimization experiences during the evening in
Tijuana. Although multivariate analyses narrow the associated characteristics, the direction of
association cannot be determined from these data. Independent analyses of each outcome
confirmed an overarching difference in reports based on the ages of the respondents. As a
result, the final models are stratified by age, with results for respondents aged 20 and younger
presented in Table 4 and results for respondents aged 21 and older presented in Table 5.
Alcohol Use
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Respondents in the younger age group (16-20) are not legally old enough to drink in California.
However, virtually the same proportion of the younger respondents (three of five) had one or
more drinks in Tijuana (measured by BAC) as did the women aged 21 and older. Likewise,
one in four respondents in both age groups were measured as legally drunk (BAC≥.08) upon
their return to the border. However, adjusting for personal history of drinking, victimization,
and visits to Tijuana, and for the observed environment on her evening in Tijuana, alcohol use
was not associated with reports of any of the outcomes in the younger age group.
This contrasts with the association found among the older respondents. For women aged 21
and older, having even one or more drinks in Tijuana was associated with greater odds of
reporting verbal (OR=3.66, p=0.048), moderate physical (OR=4.13, p=0.012), or moderate
sexual victimization (OR=4.79, p=0.003). (The same results were found when respondents
aged 21 and older were coded as legally drunk, although the odds ratios were slightly smaller.)
History of Victimization
The measures of history of victimization imperfectly corresponded to the outcomes of the study
but provided some indication of the respondent's experience, awareness of potential
victimization, and willingness to report unwanted incidents. Respondents who reported a
history of verbal abuse (approximately 43% across age groups) were more likely to report
verbal, moderate physical, or moderate sexual incidents from their evening in Tijuana in
multivariate models. The consistent bivariate association between a history of being physically
struck and Tijuana victimization outcomes did not hold in multivariate models.
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Drinking History and Experience of Tijuana
Bivariate relationships between drinking frequency (22% reported having at least one whole
drink on 3 or more days per week in the past month) and recent binge drinking (20% reported
having a binge-drinking episode at least weekly in the past month) did not hold up once other
factors were adjusted in the model. There was no indication that having been to Tijuana in the
past year (four of five respondents) was associated with the odds of a victimization experience.
More recent visits to Tijuana (three of five respondents had visited in the past month) varied
by age (64% of younger females crossed in the past month versus 51% of the older respondents).
Past month visits were marginally associated with a reduced odds ratio of moderate physical
victimization among the younger respondents (OR=0.61, p=0.052).
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Night Bar Environment
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Particularly among the younger respondents, the perceived environment of the bar(s) they
visited apparently relates to reports of victimization. Most consistently, respondents of all ages
observed a great degree of inebriation among fellow patrons. Nearly all respondents (87%,
data not shown) reported that at least a quarter of fellow patrons were drunk, and two-thirds
assumed this condition for at least a half of their fellow patrons. These observations were
relevant to the moderate sexual victimization experiences of respondents aged 20 and younger
and marginally associated with moderate sexual victimization reported by the older
respondents. (Analyses of an ordinal categorization of the proportion of others appearing drunk,
as well as more restrictive dichotomous categorizations, yielded the same results; thus, the
most conservative observation was selected for the model.)
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Three other observations of the bar environment were consistently associated with
victimization accounts by younger respondents, although these characteristics of the bar scene
were reported at equivalent rates by younger and older respondents. Three of five respondents
reported drink specials, over half of all respondents witnessed clothing removal, and about
30% reported seeing fights. Among younger respondents only, the odds ratio of each
victimization outcome was positive and significantly associated with their observation of drink
specials, other patrons removing clothing, and fights in the bars. Overall, the odds of any
victimization report was approximately double given reports of fights (OR=1.9, p=0.001) or
removal of clothing (OR=2.08, p<0.001), and 63% higher given the observation of drink
specials (OR=1.63, p=0.003). For older respondents, observed bar characteristics apparently
were less prominent; the observation of clothing removal was significant associated with
reports of moderate sexual victimization, and observation of fights was associated with
increased odds of physical victimization. Finally, among the younger respondents, observing
others' use of drugs (equivalently reported by younger and older respondents) was associated
with greater odds of experiencing moderate physical (OR=2.0, p=0.006) or sexual
victimization (OR=1.8, p=0.019). (The interpretation of the association of victimization
outcomes and older respondents' reports of drug-related bar characteristics are limited by the
sample size.)
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These negative aspects of the bar environment were countered by respondents' observations
of an individual who appeared to have some sort of official capacity in the bar and appeared
available to help in the event of a (undefined) problem. At least two-thirds of respondents,
across age groups, noticed the presence of these “official persons.” Although the odds ratio
was not significant among respondents aged 21 and older, among respondents younger than
21, the odds of reporting verbal (OR=0.54, p=0.014), moderate physical (OR=0.61, p=0.038),
or moderate sexual (OR=0.62, p=0.026) victimization were lower for respondents who
observed that officials persons were available to help as needed.
Discussion
The population of youth traveling to Tijuana for evening entertaining is a compelling sample
of individuals seeking alcohol in a risky environment (Lange & Voas, 2000; Lange et al.,
2002a). Notably, younger females in this sample were more likely to report incidents of
moderate physical or sexual victimization. Additionally, several characteristics of younger
individuals' historical and Tijuana evening experiences are associated with their reported
victimization. Among younger respondents, a reported history of verbal abuse was consistently
associated with evening reports of victimization. Further, several environmental characteristics
of the Tijuana bar scenes were positively associated with the three types of victimization,
including observing drink specials, clothing removal, fights, and the relative inebriation of
other bar patrons. By contrast, observing the presence of officials was negatively associated
with victimization reports. The observed use of drugs by other bar patrons was associated with
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moderate physical and sexual victimization reports by younger women. These findings
generally do not pertain to the older respondents. For example, the bar environment was not
associated as prominently with victimization reports by older respondents. A consistent finding
for older respondents, however, was the positive association between having drunk any alcohol
(or being inebriated) and victimization reports. Thus, the analyses presented herein differentiate
the experiences of the younger and older women visiting Tijuana.
The finding that younger women are more likely to report incidents of moderate victimization
and that the evening's experiences differ by age should be further explored. These data do not
indicate whether younger women experience a higher incidence than older women (aged 21
or older). It would be consistent with other research that younger women are more vulnerable
(Abbey et al., 2001; Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998, 2006). Another possibility, however, is that
the younger respondents are less experienced, more sensitive to unwanted events, or both,
leading to better or more critical recall at the end of the evening. This suggests that older women
may be at a disadvantage, if they discount their negative experiences and, thus, lower their
expectations about their personal safety.
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The expected association between the consumption of alcohol and incidents of victimization
is not apparent in these data for women aged 20 and younger but does appear for women aged
21 and older. Younger respondents who drink less may be remembering their evening's
experiences more clearly, thus countering a higher (but unmeasured) rate of victimization
among the more inebriated respondents aged 20 and younger. There is a question of better
recall among respondents who, by virtue of more extensive experience, are more accustomed
to negative experiences while drinking. Further, females who have been drinking may feel
culpable for some degree of victimization (Chomak & Collins, 1987; Collins, 1993; Richardson
& Campbell, 1982; Wilsnack & Wilsnack, 1978) and thus minimize labeling its occurrence
(Murnen, Perot, & Byrne, 1989). Additionally, there may be unmeasured nonverbal clues to
vulnerability that supersede exhibited characteristics of inebriation, leading to victimization
incidents (Parks, Miller, Collins, & Zetes-Zanatta, 1998).
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Two categories of adults providing security were measured: official bar security and the
presence of “someone official who could help” in the event of a problem. Interestingly, it was
the “official person who could help” rather than the formal security that was associated with
reduced odds of negative verbal and moderate physical incidents. Official bar security may be
a tip-off that establishment expects problems during the evening. Although it makes sense for
border crossers to select a bar where responsible officials are visible, if those officials look as
if they are focused on security, there may be a reason for their presence and thus a reason to
avoid that bar. Still, the bar environments are not devoid of conflict in that at least 70% of the
sample reported observing fights. Despite this widespread characteristic of the environment,
observing fights (mirroring a history of verbal threats) was a consistent predictor of negative
experiences during the evening among the larger sample of younger respondents. This also has
been observed in other studies of bar violence (Collins, Quigley, & Leonard, 2001).
Notably, the sample of younger women is four times as large as the sample of women aged 21
and older, potentially masking relationships in analysis of the older respondents. When
parsimonious models are estimated to reduce the demands on the models and the rates of Type
I and Type II errors, nearly the same results are found. (Odds ratios are reduced slightly in the
parsimonious models, with tighter confidence intervals reflecting the greater stability of the
smaller models.) Additionally, this approach indicates some evidence in both age groups of a
protective effect of recent trips to Tijuana against sexual victimization and suggests that some
aspects of the bar environment and a history of verbal abuse may be as relevant for women
aged 21 and older as they are for teenagers. These relationships should be explored further in
a larger sample allowing for adjustment of other characteristics.
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Of note, several of the environmental variables that are associated with the study outcomes—
witnessing drink specials and fights, witnessing other patrons' removing their clothes—also
predict an individual's BAC. Despite this study's focus on the respondent's BAC in association
with victimization, the direct correlations (range -0.03 to 0.07) between these environmental
variables and BAC do not warrant removing the environmental variables from the final models.
Further, among respondents aged 16 to 20, BAC remains insignificant whether or not the
environmental variables are in the models.
The Border Girls sample was specifically recruited in groups (data not shown). In initial
analysis, although group composition (a measure of gender balance within the group) was
associated with the study outcomes in bivariate analyses, the association disappears in
multivariate models. Particularly in the case of group composition, the identity of aggressors
is relevant as most aggressors are usually known to their victims (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner,
2000; Murnen et al., 1989; Ullman, Filipas, Townsend, & Starzynski, 2006; VanZile-Tamsen,
Karabatsos, & Koss, 2005). Qualitative data has indicated that women may be incapable of
asserting control in the face of coercive behavior exhibited by known male companions
(Murnen et al., 1989). For in-group negative experiences, the BACs of the aggressors, as well
as that of the victims, also merit investigation.
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Some limitations apply to this study. To summarize the challenges of self-reported data in this
context, reports of an evening's experiences may be biased from several perspectives. Evening
drunkenness may bias victimization reports and environmental descriptions. Past experience
may color reports of the evening's experiences. A history of sexual victimization could heighten
awareness and reporting of negative experiences during an evening in Tijuana or, conversely,
may contribute to low self-esteem that diminishes a respondent's capacity to report openly her
negative experiences.
Further, in this study, we do not examine the role of alcohol on the scaled severity of
victimization. The rates of victimization in Ullman et al.'s college studies are dated
(mid-1980s), but victim alcohol use and greater victim resistance were associated with greater
severity of aggression (Ullman, Karabatsos, & Koss, 1999a, 1999b), although they found no
evidence that more offender drinking led to greater severity of aggression. With a larger sample,
the relative severity of victimization incidents in Tijuana could be examined.
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Finally, there is limited followup data on southbound participants who were not captured in
the northbound survey, despite the opportunity for all participants to place an anonymous
telephone call to surveyors in the weeks after they return from their evening in Tijuana. The
telephone survey response rate was less than half of participants who initially agreed to
participate. Although collecting data via the telephone survey from those participants who were
not captured in the northbound survey at the border was an express goal, only 1% of nonreturning participants called in to the telephone survey (Kelley-Baker et al., 2007).
Herein, we describe a study of U.S. border crossers with the specific intent of examining
victimization experiences and laying the framework for a group-level intervention to reduce
risk. This study finds that youth, a history of verbal abuse, and risky characteristics of the
Tijuana bar environment are associated with victimization. Alcohol consumption is related to
self-reported negative experiences among women aged 21 and older. Further research
addressing the individual's history and the aggressor's identity would elucidate the
circumstances placing female youth at increased risk and inform interventions to reduce
victimization. Victim defense tactics usually target individual efforts, not group dynamics
(Murnen et al., 1989). Notably, this research has the potential to inform interventions that target
group and individual behavior.
J Alcohol Drug Educ. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2009 February 2.
Kelley-Baker et al.
Page 10
Acknowledgements
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
The authors wish to acknowledge the support of the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (grant No.
R01 AA015118-01).
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J Alcohol Drug Educ. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2009 February 2.
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
436
442
453
545
n
Northbound, males were not pursued by surveyors as persistently as females.
b
Southbound, 8 respondents were not identified as male or female, and so are excluded from the Total N.
1,608
Answered all surveys
a
1,680
1,657
Northbound-Social experiencesb
2,047
Northbound-PDA interviewb
N
Totala
Southbound
Survey
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Table 1
Males
27.1
26.3
27.3
26.6
%
1,172
1,237
1,204
1,502
n
Females
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Summary of Surveys Administered in the Border Girls Project, July 2005 – December 2006
72.9
73.7
72.7
73.4
%
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Table 2
Evening Negative Experiences (Females)
95% C.I.
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
N=1,172
n
%
lower
upper
Any negative experiencea
619
52.8
50.0
55.7
Verbal aggression
261
22.3
19.9
24.7
Moderate violence
344
29.4
26.7
32.0
Moderate sexual aggression
444
37.9
35.1
40.7
Severe violence
48
4.1
3.0
5.2
Severe sexual aggression
18
1.5
0.8
2.2
a
Any victimization reflects any experience of verbal, moderate, or severe events as listed in the table. Rates are not mutually exclusive between categories;
an individual may report multiple victimization events
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J Alcohol Drug Educ. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2009 February 2.
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
349
105
341
94
180
100
48
Repeat TJ visit (past month)
Drank 3+ days/week in past
monthb
Ever binge drank in past month
Binge drank weekly+ in past
month
Verbally threatened (past year)
Physically struck (past year)
Threatened with weapon (past
year)
J Alcohol Drug Educ. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2009 February 2.
141
256
59
180
BAC: legally drunk
Binged (4+ drinks)
Feeling drunk or very drunk
Number of bars visited (2+)
446
66
300
231
105
25%+ of others appear drunk
Witnessed drinking games
Witnessed drinking specials
Witnessed clothes removal
Witnessed fights
TJ Evening Environment
319
BAC: any alcohol at all
TJ Evening Drinking
439
Repeat TJ visit (past year)
Personal History
133
260
Hispanic
White, non-Hispanic
436
553
19.0
41.9
55.0
12.0
81.4
32.6
10.7
46.5
25.8
58.3
8.7
18.2
32.6
17.2
62.2
19.1
63.1
82.1
24.6
48.2
79.1
%
No victimization
Ages 16-20
Demographics
n=
240
391
413
103
571
204
99
341
152
391
65
168
328
144
413
151
374
510
180
247
512
38.8***
63.3***
66.9***
16.7*
92.3***
33.0
16.1**
55.3**
24.8
63.7
10.5
27.3***
53.2***
23.4**
67.2
24.6*
60.4
84.3
29.8
40.9*
82.9
%
Any victimization
619
124
161
179
45
239
84
45
146
65
164
33
74
150
66
176
69
169
218
73
104
218
261
47.5***
61.7***
68.9***
17.3*
91.6***
32.2
17.2**
56.2*
25.0
63.1
12.7
28.6**
57.7***
25.4**
67.7
26.4*
64.8
85.8
28.6
40.8
83.5
%
Verbal victimization
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Table 3
151
228
226
60
319
102
49
183
78
209
51
100
188
72
225
72
201
286
86
141
290
344
44.0***
66.3***
66.1**
17.5*
92.7***
29.7
14.3
53.5*
22.9
61.3
14.9**
29.2***
55.0***
21.1
65.8
21.1
58.4
84.4
25.6
42.0
84.6*
%
Moderate violence
172
287
301
73
415
149
73
244
107
278
42
117
240
109
302
113
251
357
135
174
379
444
38.8***
64.8***
67.8**
16.6*
93.5***
33.6
16.5**
55.2**
24.4
63.3
9.5
26.5**
54.2***
24.7**
68.3*
25.5*
56.5*
82.1
31.1*
40.1*
85.4*
%
Moderate sexual aggression
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Sample Distribution by Victimization Outcomea
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34
18
18
Observed people selling drugs
Someone tried to sell drugs to
respondent
Someone tried to give drugs to
respondent
3.5
3.5
6.5
12.9
77.1
85.1
%
33
46
59
141
430
557
619
5.7
18
27
34
7.9**
63
10.2*
172
235
261
24.3***
69.8**
90.1**
%
7.4*
11.1***
13.9**
25.8***
65.9**
90.4*
%
19
28
34
89
228
313
344
6.0
8.8**
10.7*
27.9***
66.5**
91.0*
%
Moderate violence
Drinking history queries the number of days the respondent consumed at least one whole alcoholic beverage during the past 30 days.
b
p<.001
p<.01
***
**
p<.05
*
Each chi2 test compares distribution of that characteristic for outcome subsample to the characteristic distribution for the group that reported no victimization (n=590).
67
Observed people using drugs
a
424
Witnessed presence of other
officials who could help
553
469
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Witnessed presence of bar
security
n=
Verbal victimization
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
Any victimization
22
33
44
102
309
401
444
5.3
7.9**
10.5*
24.3***
70.1*
90.5*
%
Moderate sexual aggression
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
No victimization
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Table 4
Multivariate Models of Negative Evening Experiences (females aged 16-20)
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Any victimizationa
Verbal aggression
Moderate violence
Moderate sexual aggression
n=818
n=565
n=627
n=707
White, non-Hispanic
1.15
1.07
0.92
1.16
Hispanic
1.02
0.95
1.02
1.00
Repeat TJ visit (past year)
1.03
1.05
0.99
0.84
Repeat TJ visit (past month)
0.71
0.79
0.61
0.67
Drank 3+ days/week in past
monthb
1.42
1.40
1.13
1.57
Ever binge drank in past
month
1.04
1.09
1.04
1.04
Verbally threatened (past
year)
2.10***
2.46***
2.46***
2.16***
Physically struck (past year)
0.97
0.94
1.05
0.99
Threatened with weapon
(past year)
0.79
0.79
1.10
0.63
BAC: any alcohol at all
0.96
0.87
1.04
0.98
Number of bars visited
0.97
0.90
0.92
0.90
25%+ of others appear
drunk
1.59
1.51
1.81
1.95*
Witnessed drinking games
Demographics
Personal History
TJ Evening Drinking
TJ Evening Environment
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
0.96
0.70
0.94
1.03
Witnessed drinking specials
1.63**
2.17***
1.59*
1.67**
Witnessed clothes removal
2.08***
1.70*
2.39***
2.03***
Witnessed fights
1.89**
2.86***
2.54***
1.89**
Witnessed presence of bar
security
1.39
1.40
1.45
1.60
Witnessed presence of other
officials who could help
0.71
0.54*
0.61*
0.62*
Observed people using
drugs
1.72*
1.60
2.04**
1.80*
Observed people selling
drugs
0.85
1.43
0.66
1.11
Someone tried to sell drugs
to respondent
2.58
2.27
5.35**
2.30
Someone tried to give drugs
to respondent
0.98
1.18
0.43
0.90
a
The reference group of each victimization model are respondents ages 16-20 who reported no victimization (n=436). Estimates are odds ratios.
*
Significance represented by p<.05
**
Significance represented by p<.01
***
Significance represented by p<.001
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b
Drinking history queries the number of days the respondent consumed at least one whole alcoholic beverage during the past 30 days.
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Table 5
Multivariate Models of Negative Evening Experiences (females aged 21+)
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Any victimizationa
Verbal aggression
Moderate violence
Moderate sexual aggression
n=186
n=131
n=140
n=154
White, non-Hispanic
1.36
2.69
0.73
1.35
Hispanic
0.93
1.35
0.63
1.16
Repeat TJ visit (past year)
1.13
0.60
1.03
1.50
Repeat TJ visit (past month)
0.81
1.66
0.70
0.46
Drank 3+ days/week in past
monthb
0.90
1.64
0.66
1.55
Ever binge drank in past
month
0.91
0.64
0.97
1.12
Verbally threatened (past
year)
2.28*
2.20
2.19
3.74**
Physically struck (past year)
1.65
2.61
1.24
1.70
Threatened with weapon
(past year)
0.45
0.86
0.39
0.21
BAC: any alcohol at all
4.48***
3.66*
4.13*
4.79**
Number of bars visited
0.97
0.97
0.75
1.48
25%+ of others appear
drunk
2.93
2.24
2.60
9.90*
Witnessed drinking games
0.94
1.59
0.78
1.40
Witnessed drinking specials
0.77
0.58
0.96
0.70
Witnessed clothes removal
2.67*
2.19
1.92
5.11**
Witnessed fights
2.19
2.88
3.38*
2.52
Witnessed presence of bar
security
1.31
1.84
1.70
0.65
1.07
0.99
0.89
1.60
Observed people using
drugs
0.97
1.43
1.13
0.84
Observed people selling
drugs
0.17
0.36
0.00***
0.00***
Someone tried to sell drugs
to respondent
2.71
0.83
—c
—c
Someone tried to give drugs
to respondent
1.09
1.08
2.08
0.78
Demographics
Personal History
TJ Evening Drinking
TJ Evening Environment
Witnessed presence of other
officials who could help
NIH-PA Author Manuscript
a
The reference group of each victimization model are respondents aged 21+ who reported no victimization (n=115). Estimates are odds ratios.
*
Significance represented by p<.05
**
Significance represented by p<.01
***
Significance represented by p<.001
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b
Drinking history queries the number of days the respondent consumed at least one whole alcoholic beverage during the past 30 days.
c
Variable predicts no victimization perfectly and thus dropped from model.
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